【一切的失敗和不足,都是最美好的安排】
All Failures & Lacks Are The Best Things to Happen to Us
三個月前,收到來自台灣客人的這封電郵時,開心和心酸交織著在心裡。
開心,因為這是一年前通過Zoom視訊的客人。他居然在我們看八字的一週年,特地寫了封感謝函給我,真有心!
心酸,因為他寫在電郵裡的低落心情,我完完全全明白。
他的經歷,是我的曾經。我當初也是很難,很久才能走出來。
有一回,我為一位芳華正茂的女子批八字時,她很用心的寫下我說的話。
論寫筆記的完整,她是我客人當中的佼佼者。
寫到一半,我注意到她的右手開始微微顫抖。我以為是空調的風太大了,冷到她,便問她要不要披巾。
她說,是她的焦慮症發作。
「我沒在兇你,也沒對你嚴厲,你為何突然焦慮?」
「我.....打從今年疫情打亂了我的計畫,我就一直很焦慮。我覺得我很沒用,同學們都前進了,只有我現在什麼都不是,亂糟糟的。我就一直很緊張,萬一我一直都是這樣,怎麼辦?」
說著,她眼眶一紅,眼淚像斷了線的珍珠鏈似的灑下來。
我的媽呀!是我的樣子長得很催淚,還是我的聲音聽起來很虐心?怎麼客人,不分男女老少,東南西北,看到我好像都很容易哭?
我抓起一張紙巾遞給她。
「所以,我不是來了嗎?你來找我,就是要問個明路,而你很幸運那麼快就看到我啦!你看你的筆記寫得多工整,多齊全。我很多客人都不如你啊!我今天的工作,就是來給你答案的。我沒有把握,也不會接你這份差事。我接了,就代表還可以補救。你照著我的指示去做,一定柳暗花明又一村。」
又另一回,一位四十多歲的媽媽請我看兒子的八字。
我在批著八字時,這位媽媽點頭認同,然後就聲淚俱下。
我轉頭看著她沈默不語的先生。我說錯了什麼嗎?太太哭成淚人,你怎麼連紙巾也不拿給她啊?
「我是個沒有用的母親,很不稱職的母親。我沒有辦法教好孩子。我很愛他,可是很多時候我都不知道要怎麼做,我就會對他發脾氣,說狠話,過後我又後悔。我忍下來,可是後來還是會一樣!」
我沒打斷她,等她的哭聲逐漸小聲後,我柔柔的說:「我來啦!我坐在你前面了。你已經看到我,就是有辦法了。你知道你自己不行,會去找辦法,就代表你願意去學習做個好媽媽啊!」
我把紙巾遞給她,再說:「不要哭了,要不然,別人看了以為是我不要借你錢,才把你弄得那麼傷心。」
曾幾何時,我們都會以外在所擁有的,來定義自己的人生是否值得自己喜歡。
從原生家庭、樣貌、健康、身型、智力、天賦等,到後來的學歷、友情、事業、財富、婚姻、子女......
哪一樣沒有,而偏偏是我們最想要的,我們就會認定自己失敗的一塌糊塗。
我認為這就是普通教育最大的問題所在。父母老師都是這樣把我們「分門別類」的。值不值得父母疼愛或向親朋戚友炫耀,也離不開那幾點。
久而久之,我們也只會以「成功」來定義自己是否有價值,甚至來衡量自己是否有活下去的勇氣。
我比較喜歡佛法的定義。我們每個人都是一尊佛,六道眾生皆有佛性,只因一時的迷,因此墮落在苦輪不停的輪迴。
可正因為我們有佛性,我們都有無窮無盡的可能。每個人的內在有著很強大的力量,等著我們遇到明師後,去發掘、探索和了解。
而這天生俱來的力量,就是你改命立命的資本。
如果人生順風順水,我們永遠不會想要出離,誤把人間當極樂,所以一定要有苦,我們才會意識到,為什麼我們會在這鬼地方?要怎麼樣才可以離開這鬼地方去到極樂?
反過來,我們都應該感恩自己遇到的挫折,因為從這些苦中,我們才能生出智慧。
沒有一個八字是完美的。一切的失敗和不足,都是最美好的安排,如此你才會有出離心,返本歸源。
_______________________
3 months ago, when I received this email from my Taiwan client, there was this feeling of bittersweetness.
I was happy because this was the client I did a Zoom consultation last June. He sent me this email on the one-year anniversary date of our Zoom call, to express his gratitude. How sweet!
On the other hand, I could relate to the emotional turmoil he felt at that point in his life.
His experience was my past. It also took me a very long time to walk out from my gloominess.
Once, I analysed the Bazi of a very young lady. She was meticulously jotting down notes as I spoke.
Her detailed note-taking skills easily took the top place among my clients.
Halfway through, I noticed her right hand was trembling slightly. I thought it was due to the cold draft from the air conditioning, so I asked if she needed a shawl.
She replied that it was her anxiety disorder acting up.
“I was not fierce or strict with you. What caused your sudden anxiety?”
“I…ever since the pandemic disrupted my plans, I have been in this state of anxiety. I kept feeling useless. All my classmates are progressing expect me. I have nothing to show for and my life is in a mess. I am very anxious. What if I continue to be like this? What am I going to do?”
As she spoke, her eyes turned red and tears started rolling down like a broken strand of pearl necklace scattering onto the ground.
Oh dear! I am beginning to wonder if I have a tear-jerker face or a heart-tormenting voice. Why do my clients, regardless of gender and age, North South or East West, seem to cry easily when they see me?
I grabbed a piece of tissue and handed it to her.
“Ain’t I here already? You came to me for a roadmap and you are very lucky to see me so soon. Look at how precise and neat your notes are! Many of my clients aren’t even on par with you. My job today is to give you answers. If I didn’t have the confidence, I would not have taken up your request. Now that I did, that means there is still hope. If you follow my instructions, you will see things looking up very soon.”
On another occasion, a mother in her forties came to me for her son’s Bazi consultation.
As I was analysing, the mother nodded her head in agreement. The next thing I know, she started weeping loudly.
I turned to look at her husband, who had been silent all along. Did I say something wrong? And hello, your wife was crying. Why weren’t you gentleman enough to give her a tissue paper?
“I am a useless mother. I am incompetent. I do not know how to teach my son well. I love my son very much. But many times, I do not know what to do and thus I flare up at him and speak harshly. I always regret afterwards. I tried enduring but it still ends badly!”
I did not interrupt her and waited for her cries to soften, before speaking gently, “I’m here! I’m already sitting in front of you. You are looking at me now and that means help is here. You know that you are incompetent, so you went looking for solutions. That means you are willing to learn how to be a better mother!”
I handed a piece of tissue and said, “Don’t cry anymore, otherwise, other patrons will think that it’s because I refuse to lend you money.”
Since young, we have been using external possessions to define whether our lives are worth liking.
The family we are born into, our looks, health, body shape, intellect, talents, and then we move on to compare our academics, friendships, career, wealth, marriage and children.
If we are lacking in the area we covet most, we grade our lives as a failure.
I think this is the biggest problem in societal education. Our parents and teachers categorized us that way. Whether we as children are worthy of their love and bragging, depends on the few points above too.
Thus over time, we can only use the term “success” to determine whether we are of value, for some people, whether they should live on to take their next breath.
I very much prefer the definition in Buddhism. We are all Buddhas. Each and every sentient being in the six realms has a Buddha nature in them. But they got lost momentarily and fell into the endless wheel of reincarnation.
Yet, because of our Buddha nature, we have an unlimited source of potential. Every one of us has a very powerful strength inside us. It is just waiting for us to meet an accomplished teacher, so that we have the tools to explore and understand it:
And this strength that we are born with is the capital for us to transform and establish our own destiny.
If life is smooth-sailing, we would never want to leave and would mistake this mortal realm for Pureland. Thus, we all need sufferings, to realise that we should break out of this hell of a place. There has to be a better world somewhere. So how we get there?
We should, in fact, be grateful for all the setbacks and failures we have. Because it is from these sufferings, our wisdom arise:
No single Bazi is perfect. Every failure and lack we experience is the best arrangement for us, so that the heart of renunciation will arise in us and we will return to where we came from.
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define afterwards 在 八鄉朱凱廸 Chu Hoi Dick Facebook 的最佳解答
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
define afterwards 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
define afterwards 在 Afterward versus afterwards -- which, and/or when? - English ... 的推薦與評價
Forward[s]: The form "forwards" is rarely ever used in today's English, whether British or American. With or without the "s", the meaning remains unchanged. ... <看更多>
define afterwards 在 Afterwards Meaning - YouTube 的推薦與評價
... <看更多>