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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
這篇可真是以小見大，而非以偏概全。
廖達琪不是我的博士生
翁達瑞 / 美國大學教授
韓國瑜國政顧問團的召集人之一，中山大學政治研究所教授廖達琪，在三立電視臺的「新台灣加油」為韓國瑜辯護。廖達琪盛裝上電視，講到激動處身體前後搖晃，雙手還上下左右揮舞。廖達琪擁有美國名校的學位，但她不是我的博士生，因為我的學生會有邏輯訓練與學術倫理，不可能像廖達琪一樣在電視上強詞奪理。
廖達琪如何強詞奪理？
學者為總統候選人助選，是基於知識良知與學術清譽，所以發言內容必須根據事實並符合邏輯。最典型的助選語言，就是強調「總統」這個職位的重要性，推銷屬意的候選人，特別凸顯他（她）的能力、經驗、與政見，藉此說服選民支持這位候選人。
但是廖達琪卻反其道而行！
廖達琪宣稱總統的職位不重要，不該管那麼多事，不需要知道那麼多事，行政院才是重要的機關。這些說詞完全背離事實！總統可以把內政授權行政院長，但國防外交不得假手他人。至於行政院長的施政，也必須在總統的監督之下。在台灣的憲政體制，總統並不是虛位元首！
廖達琪為何如此強詞奪理呢？或許她心虛，因為韓國瑜的能力普受外界的質疑。廖達琪是韓國瑜國政顧問團的一員，有機會貼身觀察韓國瑜的一言一行。或許廖達琪的觀察結論是韓國瑜懂的不多，所以只好扭曲事實，宣稱總統不該管那麼多事，不需要知道那麼多事！
如果廖達琪知道韓國瑜懂的不多，基於她的學術良知，廖達琪應該幫助韓國瑜提升。萬一廖達琪發現韓國瑜是扶不起的「阿斗」，基於她的學術良知，廖達琪也應該拒絕為韓國瑜背書。
令人不解的是，廖達琪卻用「削足適履」的邏輯，暗示「懂的不多」的候選人，剛好適合「不該管那麼多事」的總統職位。如果廖達琪這個邏輯正確，那總統根本就不用選了。我們乾脆修憲，來個「全民總統大抽籤」！被抽中的總統不該管那麼多事，可以整天打牌抱女人，過著喝酒打屁的快樂日子！
這真的是我們要的總統嗎？當然不是！
廖達琪在電視上的說詞，既違反事實，也不符邏輯！身為中山大學資深教授的廖達琪，為何這麼不珍惜羽毛，在電視上強詞奪理，為能力被質疑的總統候選人辯護呢？廖達琪到底是何方的神聖？
廖達琪是何方神聖？
基於好奇心驅使，我進了中山大學政治研究所的網頁，點閱廖達琪的學經歷簡介。
廖達琪擁有美國名校密西根大學的政治學博士學位，在中山大學任教超過三十年，三度出任政治研究所的所長。廖達琪的著作豐富，中英文期刊論文超過七十篇。廖達琪也多次獲得教學與研究獎助！
對台灣學界不熟的外行人，只要看到廖達琪的網頁介紹，很可能會對她肅然起敬，認為她是一個治學嚴謹、工作努力、普受尊敬的學者！但是在行家的眼中，廖達琪琳瑯滿目的著作，只能用一個比喻形容：「乞丐逃難、滿身家當、都不值錢！」
對人的檢驗必須基於「事實」，特別是檢驗學者的人格與聲譽。為了證明我不是無的放矢，我就拿廖達琪在2018年發表的一篇期刊論文為例，證明她是一位不知愛惜羽毛的學者！
廖達琪的論文發表於「政治科學國際期刊」（International Journal of Political Science）。這篇論文題目的中文翻譯是「政黨民主的時代過了或政黨正進入新的文藝復興？」（Is the Age of Party Democracy Over or Are Parties Entering a New Renaissance？）
一般人看到這樣的論文題目，都會對作者心生畏懼！但我不是一般人，而是一位「見大人則藐之」的資深學者。多年的學術閱歷告訴我，通常論文的題目越深奧，內容就會越膚淺。就像將軍制服與軍隊的戰力一樣，兩者的關係剛好相反：「制服越華麗的將軍，他的部隊戰力也越薄弱。」
廖達琪這篇題目華麗的論文，內容到底怎麼樣呢？就讓我來仔細檢驗吧！
廖達琪經得起檢驗嗎？
政治學不是我的專長，一般讀者也沒這方面的專業，所以我不要檢驗廖達琪這篇論文的學術貢獻。我要做的是個簡單的檢驗：廖達琪的文法訓練。只要讀過國中英文，多數人都可看懂我對廖達琪的檢驗。
學術論文的開頭，都有一段100多字的摘要（Abstract），可說是整篇論文的精華。論文的摘要就像電影的預告片，目的是為了吸引讀者或觀眾。很多電影的內容差，但預告片卻很精彩，最後受騙的是觀眾。一樣的，摘要精彩的論文內容不一定好；但摘要爛的論文內容只會更爛。
因此，我們只要檢驗廖達琪這篇論文的摘要，就可以推論內容的品質。這篇論文的摘要如下（為了方便檢驗，每個句子我都加了編號）：
(1) Many scholars pointed out that the role of political parties has been declining in democratic countries. (2) However, with the prevalence of digital media, does digital media become a new channel for parties to rebuild its relation to people? (3) This paper aims to discuss the relationship between political parties and digital media. (4) This paper examines our research questions by analyzing Facebook page data of Spanish party Podemos and Taiwanese party New Power Party (NPP). (5) Both parties are selected based on a most different systems approach and have contested at least one national election. (6) Results show two findings. (7) Firstly, in the beginning, both parties have a low level of commenting in relation to liking. (8) However, the level of commenting on Podemos page increases. (9) It tells that both parties are not more dialogical in the launch phase. (10) Secondly, results show that Podemos replies more often than NPP in times between party launch and the entry into its first campaign.
在這段只有10個句子的摘要，我找到了16個基本的文法錯誤：
1、 第2句的digital media是複數，除非當集合名詞，前面的助動詞應該用do，不是does。
2、 第2句的parties是複數，後面的代名詞應該用their，不是its。
3、 第4句的research questions是複數，但摘要只提到一個研究問題，所以應該用單數的question。
4、 第4句的Spanish party Podemos是專有名詞，前面要加定冠詞，the Spanish party……。
5、 第4句的Taiwanese party New Power Party，前面也要加定冠詞，the Taiwanese party……。
6、 第5句的動作發生在過去，應該用過去式的were selected，不是現在式的are selected。
7、 第5句的contested是不及物動詞，後面要加介系詞in，contested in at least……才正確。
8、 第7句的動作發生在過去，動詞have應改用had。
9、 第8句的動作也發生在過去，動詞increases應改用increased。
10、 第9句的it指的是研究結果results或findings，應改用複數的they。
11、 第9句的動作發生在過去，動詞are not應改用were not。
12、 第10句的動作發生在以前，動詞replies應改用replied。
13、 第10句的NPP政黨縮寫，應該加定冠詞，the NPP才對。
14、 第10句的times若是複數，語意是次數。如果語意是時間，應該用單數的time。
15、 第10句的time，前面要加定冠詞，the time between……，因為指的是特定的時段。
16、 第10句提了兩個政黨，後面的代名詞要用複數的their ，不是單數的its。
除了文法的錯誤，這段摘要還有許多基本的寫作問題：例如用詞不當（relation to people, firstly）、語意不清（a most different systems）、累贅重複（digital media, this paper, results show two findings）等。
如前所述，摘要是一篇論文的精華。如果廖達琪這篇論文的摘要錯誤百出，那內容就會更加不堪聞問。這種品質低落的論文，怎麼可能在國際期刊發表呢？這又是另一個外行人看不懂的學界門道。
大學教授的工作之一就是論文發表，可是有些論文就是無法通過評審，一再被期刊退稿。於是就有不肖的出版商，推出所謂的「掠奪式」期刊，只要作者願意付錢，不管論文的品質有多差，都可以被接受刊登。付錢買論文於是成為部分台灣學者的求生之道！
難道廖達琪經不起檢驗，甚至花錢買論文嗎？
廖達琪花錢買論文嗎？
刊登廖達琪這篇論文的「政治科學國際期刊」，是否為掠奪式的期刊，我先不要論斷。我可以確定的是，作者必須付費才能在這個期刊發表論文。雖然付費的方法簡易，但退費的過程相對麻煩。除了少數的特例，正統的學術期刊都是免費發表。在我的專業領域，所有的主流期刊都不會向作者收費。
判定學術期刊的聲望，還有另一個指標，那就是編審委員的陣容（editorial board）。廖達琪投稿的這個期刊，一共有15位編審委員，當中竟然包括廖達琪本人。其他的編審委員來自義大利、土耳其（2人）、羅馬尼亞、希臘、馬來西亞、印度（2人）、越南、伊拉克、奈及利亞（2人）。令人覺得奇怪的是，學術最發達的美國與英國，才各有一位編審委員，而且都不是任教於名校。
我可以舉個反例，那就是「美國政治科學期刊」（American Journal of Political Science）。這本主流的學術期刊共有34位編審委員（包括編輯）。除了有一位來自瑞典，其他全部任教於美國的一流大學，如哈佛、普林斯頓、史丹佛、哥倫比亞、芝加哥、杜克、康乃爾、西北、柏克萊與洛杉磯加州大學等。
學術期刊的聲望也取決於作者的背景。廖達琪投稿的「政治科學國際期刊」，最近這一期刊登了四篇論文，作者任教於越南、波蘭（2人）、坦桑尼亞（3人）、與馬來西亞。歐美名校的作者全部缺席。
再拿「美國政治科學期刊」來對照，最近這一期刊登了15篇論文，作者來自美國的史丹佛，達特茅茲、加州大學、哈佛、賓州大學、普林斯頓、耶魯、維琴尼亞等名校，還有英國、瑞士、和加拿大的一流大學。
兩相對照下，廖達琪投稿的期刊是否為「掠奪式」期刊呢？我的答案是：「雖不中，亦不遠矣！」至於廖達琪是否花錢買論文呢？我的答案也相近。最關鍵的是，為何台灣的學術界接受廖達琪這樣的論文發表模式呢？
台灣學界不求長進嗎？
台灣的學界是個封閉的團體。一般而言，越封閉的團體，越是不求長進！
廖達琪投稿付費刊登的期刊，摘要的內容又錯誤百出，不就代表台灣學界不求長進嗎？在自甘墮落的台灣學者背後，是一個「掠奪、剝削」的體制。外界對這個體制一無所知，因為廖達琪不是唯一，圈內人不會互揭瘡疤。真有人看不過去，也會礙於情面默不作聲。
事實上，廖達琪是美國名校的博士，英文不可能只有國中的水準。廖達琪真正的問題不在英文水準，而在她的治學態度，也就是部份台灣學者「掠奪學生研究成果」、「剝削廉價學術勞工」的歪風。
廖達琪琳瑯滿目的期刊論文，有一大部份列有多位作者。我檢驗的這篇有三位作者：廖達琪第一、中山大學的博士生第二、一位澳洲學者第三。我的推測是，這篇論文由博士生執筆，澳洲的學者負責投稿通訊。身為第一作者的廖達琪則是坐享其成，在論文刊登前連摘要都沒有閱讀校對。
廖達琪這篇論文是學界「掠奪、剝削」體制的一部份。在這個體制裡，擁有權力的教授經營政商關係，取得資源獎助博士生。聽話的學生可獲得教授的加持取得教職，繼續為教授代工效勞。如果能力與運氣俱佳，少數學生會漸漸有自己的一片天。然後他們會複製教授的學閥模式，回頭「掠奪、剝削」自己的博士生。
這樣的體制在台灣學界「代代相傳、生生不息」！
台灣的學界就是有這種「沽名釣譽、見利忘義」的學閥。他們頂著名校教授的頭銜行走江湖（或謂招搖撞騙），不論「產、官、學」都要參一腳。回到學校後，他們對博士生的掠奪，不下於慣老闆對勞工的剝削。
結論
身為中山大學的資深教授，廖達琪不務學術正業，在媒體上強詞奪理，為能力普受質疑的總統候選人辯護。她列名期刊論文的第一作者，卻連基本的英文寫作語法都不願意指導學生。在不務正業的同時，廖達琪受到整個體制的保護，繼續支領中山大學的全薪。
以廖達琪這種治學態度，她不可能成為我的博士生。以家長的身份，我也不願意讓子女成為廖達琪的門生。身為一位納稅人，我更不願意供養像廖達琪這樣的大學教授。
為HKTDC擔任英語司儀，主持國際盛會～ 多謝客戶邀請和高度讚賞！
粵英普日 全方位主持｜優雅時尚・活力百變 | Connie 黃紫盈
Follow Connie
Website: www.conniewong.hk
Facebook: www.facebook.com/conniewty
黃紫盈 (Connie) 現為司儀、主持、影片監製及跨媒體自由工作者，活躍於商界及政府機構主辦的活動，為各類型公開活動擔任司儀（包括晚宴、產品發布會、頒獎禮、記者會和音樂會等），同時監製和主持旅遊、飲食及時尚生活資訊節目，包括《盈遊世界》、《尚駿生活》和《友飲友食》等。Connie 精通三文四語，包話粵語、英語、普通話和日語。在任職無綫電視新聞主播及記者期間，她曾主持 《香港早晨》、《立法會選舉特備節目》以及《311日本東北大地震一周年現場直播》等重要新聞環節。
Connie 畢業於香港中文大學新聞與傳播學院，曾留學英國劍橋大學修讀國際關係以及日本創價大學修讀日本文化研究。她熱衷於義務工作和戶外活動，曾獲得由行政長官頒發的「香港青年奬勵計劃 (前香港愛丁堡公爵獎勵計劃) 最高金章榮譽」。
興趣: 旅遊、行山、美容、烹飪、攝影
Connie Wong is a professional emcee, programme host and producer actively involved in multi-media work. She is experienced in hosting various events (such as gala dinner, product launch, press briefing, award ceremony, music concert etc.), as well as infotainment programmes covering travel, food and lifestyle, e.g. "Travel Smart" and "Chic Life". Connie is fluent in Cantonese, English, Mandarin and Japanese. Previously, Connie was news anchor at TVB where she hosted several key featured news programmes including Good Morning Hong Kong, Legislative Council Election, and 311 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami One Year Anniversary.
Connie holds a bachelor degree in Journalism and Communication from The Chinese University of Hong Kong. She also studied International Relations at Cambridge University in U.K., and Japanese Studies at Soka University in Japan. She is active in voluntary services and outdoor activities. She has been awarded the Gold Award of the Hong Kong Award for Young People (formerly known as The Duke of Edinburgh's Award).
Hobby: Travel, Hiking, Beauty, Cooking, Photography
黄紫盈（コニー・ウォン）はイベントMC、テレビ番組司会者、ラジオパーソナリティ、プロデューサーとして活躍。祝宴や製品発表会、授賞式、記者会見やコンサートの司会に加え、旅行や食、ライフスタイルの情報番組のレポーターも務めている。英語、中国語、広東語、日本語が堪能で、香港のテレビ局TVBのアナウンサー時代は「香港グッドモーニング」、「香港立法会選挙特別番組」、「3.11東日本大震災１周年放送」等、重要なニュースの報道を担当していた。
彼女は香港中文大学のジャーナリズムコミュニケーション学部を卒業。香港出身であり、在学中には英国・日本への留学も経験している。ケンブリッジ大学では国際関係を、日本創価大学では日本文化研究を専攻している。また、慈善活動への積極的な参加が評価され、香港行政長官より青年奨励計画最高賞であるゴールド章受賞の栄誉を受けている。
趣味：旅行、ハイキング、ビューティー、料理、写真
Tags: 中英日四語司儀, 大型活動司儀, 商場活動司儀, 發布會司儀, 晚宴典禮司儀, 婚禮司儀, 粵語司儀, 國語司儀, 英語司儀, 日語司儀, 普通話司儀, 日文司儀, 英文司儀, 中文司儀, 專業司儀, 星級司儀, 節目主持, 無綫電視, 新聞主播, 新城電台, 黃紫盈, Connie Wong, Emcee, MC, Host, TVB, News Anchor, DJ, Cantonese MC, English MC, Japanese MC, Mandarin MC, Putonghua MC, Annual Dinner, Gala Dinner, Award Ceremony, Product Launch, Grand Opening
#MC紫盈 #司儀 #主持 #主播 #中文司儀 #日文司儀 #英文司儀 #英語司儀 #日語司儀 #廣東話司儀 #粵語司儀 #普通話司儀 #國語司儀 #黃紫盈 #ConnieWong #HKMC #Emcee #MC #English #Japanese #Mandarin #Putonghua #Cantonese
為聖誕派對擔任英語司儀～ 多謝中國電信國際邀請和高度讚賞！
粵英普日 全方位主持｜優雅時尚・活力百變 | Connie 黃紫盈
Follow Connie
Website: www.conniewong.hk
Facebook: www.facebook.com/conniewty
黃紫盈 (Connie) 現為司儀、主持、影片監製及跨媒體自由工作者，活躍於商界及政府機構主辦的活動，為各類型公開活動擔任司儀（包括晚宴、產品發布會、頒獎禮、記者會和音樂會等），同時監製和主持旅遊、飲食及時尚生活資訊節目，包括《盈遊世界》、《尚駿生活》和《友飲友食》等。Connie 精通三文四語，包話粵語、英語、普通話和日語。在任職無綫電視新聞主播及記者期間，她曾主持 《香港早晨》、《立法會選舉特備節目》以及《311日本東北大地震一周年現場直播》等重要新聞環節。
Connie 畢業於香港中文大學新聞與傳播學院，曾留學英國劍橋大學修讀國際關係以及日本創價大學修讀日本文化研究。她熱衷於義務工作和戶外活動，曾獲得由行政長官頒發的「香港青年奬勵計劃 (前香港愛丁堡公爵獎勵計劃) 最高金章榮譽」。
興趣: 旅遊、行山、美容、烹飪、攝影
Connie Wong is a professional emcee, programme host and producer actively involved in multi-media work. She is experienced in hosting various events (such as gala dinner, product launch, press briefing, award ceremony, music concert etc.), as well as infotainment programmes covering travel, food and lifestyle, e.g. "Travel Smart" and "Chic Life". Connie is fluent in Cantonese, English, Mandarin and Japanese. Previously, Connie was news anchor at TVB where she hosted several key featured news programmes including Good Morning Hong Kong, Legislative Council Election, and 311 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami One Year Anniversary.
Connie holds a bachelor degree in Journalism and Communication from The Chinese University of Hong Kong. She also studied International Relations at Cambridge University in U.K., and Japanese Studies at Soka University in Japan. She is active in voluntary services and outdoor activities. She has been awarded the Gold Award of the Hong Kong Award for Young People (formerly known as The Duke of Edinburgh's Award).
Hobby: Travel, Hiking, Beauty, Cooking, Photography
黄紫盈（コニー・ウォン）はイベントMC、テレビ番組司会者、ラジオパーソナリティ、プロデューサーとして活躍。祝宴や製品発表会、授賞式、記者会見やコンサートの司会に加え、旅行や食、ライフスタイルの情報番組のレポーターも務めている。英語、中国語、広東語、日本語が堪能で、香港のテレビ局TVBのアナウンサー時代は「香港グッドモーニング」、「香港立法会選挙特別番組」、「3.11東日本大震災１周年放送」等、重要なニュースの報道を担当していた。
彼女は香港中文大学のジャーナリズムコミュニケーション学部を卒業。香港出身であり、在学中には英国・日本への留学も経験している。ケンブリッジ大学では国際関係を、日本創価大学では日本文化研究を専攻している。また、慈善活動への積極的な参加が評価され、香港行政長官より青年奨励計画最高賞であるゴールド章受賞の栄誉を受けている。
趣味：旅行、ハイキング、ビューティー、料理、写真
Tags: 中英日四語司儀, 大型活動司儀, 商場活動司儀, 發布會司儀, 晚宴典禮司儀, 婚禮司儀, 粵語司儀, 國語司儀, 英語司儀, 日語司儀, 普通話司儀, 日文司儀, 英文司儀, 中文司儀, 專業司儀, 星級司儀, 節目主持, 無綫電視, 新聞主播, 新城電台, 黃紫盈, Connie Wong, Emcee, MC, Host, TVB, News Anchor, DJ, Cantonese MC, English MC, Japanese MC, Mandarin MC, Putonghua MC, Annual Dinner, Gala Dinner, Award Ceremony, Product Launch, Grand Opening
#司儀 #主持 #主播 #中文司儀 #日文司儀 #英文司儀 #英語司儀 #日語司儀 #廣東話司儀 #粵語司儀 #普通話司儀 #國語司儀 #黃紫盈 #ConnieWong #HKMC #Emcee #MC #English #Japanese #Mandarin #Putonghua #Cantonese
是日以英語主持VIP Cocktail Party～
Follow Connie @ www.conniewong.hk
黃紫盈 (Connie) 現為司儀、主持、影片監製及跨媒體自由工作者，活躍於商界及政府機構主辦的活動，為各類型公開活動擔任司儀（包括晚宴、產品發布會、頒獎禮、記者會和音樂會等），同時監製和主持旅遊、飲食及時尚生活資訊節目，包括《盈遊世界》、《尚駿生活》和《友飲友食》等。Connie 精通三文四語，包話粵語、英語、普通話和日語。在任職無綫電視新聞主播及記者期間，她曾主持 《香港早晨》、《立法會選舉特備節目》以及《311日本東北大地震一周年現場直播》等重要新聞環節。
Connie 畢業於香港中文大學新聞與傳播學院，曾留學英國劍橋大學修讀國際關係以及日本創價大學修讀日本文化研究。她熱衷於義務工作和戶外活動，曾獲得由行政長官頒發的「香港青年奬勵計劃 (前香港愛丁堡公爵獎勵計劃) 最高金章榮譽」。
興趣: 旅遊、行山、羽毛球、烹飪、攝影
Connie Wong is a professional emcee, programme host and producer actively involved in multi-media work. She is experienced in hosting various events (such as gala dinner, product launch, press briefing, award ceremony, music concert etc.), as well as infotainment programmes covering travel, food and lifestyle, e.g. "Travel Smart" and "Chic Life". Connie is fluent in Cantonese, English, Mandarin and Japanese. Previously, Connie was news anchor at TVB where she hosted several key featured news programmes including Good Morning Hong Kong, Legislative Council Election, and 311 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami One Year Anniversary.
Connie holds a bachelor degree in Journalism and Communication from The Chinese University of Hong Kong. She also studied International Relations at Cambridge University in U.K., and Japanese Studies at Soka University in Japan. She is active in voluntary services and outdoor activities. She has been awarded the Gold Award of the Hong Kong Award for Young People (formerly known as The Duke of Edinburgh's Award).
Hobby: Travel, Hiking, Badminton, Cooking, Photography
黄紫盈（コニー・ウォン）はイベントMC、テレビ番組司会者、ラジオパーソナリティ、プロデューサーとして活躍。祝宴や製品発表会、授賞式、記者会見やコンサートの司会に加え、旅行や食、ライフスタイルの情報番組のレポーターも務めている。英語、中国語、広東語、日本語が堪能で、香港のテレビ局TVBのアナウンサー時代は「香港グッドモーニング」、「香港立法会選挙特別番組」、「3.11東日本大震災１周年放送」等、重要なニュースの報道を担当していた。
彼女は香港中文大学のジャーナリズムコミュニケーション学部を卒業。香港出身であり、在学中には英国・日本への留学も経験している。ケンブリッジ大学では国際関係を、日本創価大学では日本文化研究を専攻している。また、慈善活動への積極的な参加が評価され、香港行政長官より青年奨励計画最高賞であるゴールド章受賞の栄誉を受けている。
趣味：旅行、ハイキング、ビューティー、料理、写真
