關於 economy of scale中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

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💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

城市研究2014，期待2015年的香港城市研究

【黃宇軒：2014年二十本城市學之書】
http://goo.gl/4lX9jF
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大約從 2010 年起，城市研究 (urban studies) 在全球知識界有復興之勢，近年本地學院也相繼開創城市研究課程。在出版界，這個跨學科領域也連年教人興奮，重要的都市理論著作持續出版，原本難以定義的「城市學」儼然被重新確立為當代顯學。

2014 年，也是這一浪對城市研究的興趣，由學院走到媒體的重要一年。本年初，Guardian （《衛報》）在成熟與已確立多年的新聞版面分類中，加插了 Cities 這大類，獨立成版，也讓城市版有自己的 twitter ，instagram 和 facebook page ，高調地給予都市資訊重要位置，至今 Guardian Cities 已運作一週年了，一直好評如潮。

同時，大力發展網媒的新聞集團 Atlantic 也在 2014 年把原屬 The Atlantic 的城市新聞版面獨立開來，自成一網，開辦名為 CityLab 的城市新聞網，重點報道有關都市未來的新資訊和評論分析。網民普遍對這網站的內容，尤其是它處理圖像資訊和選題方面，讚譽有加，初步看來是非常成功的發展。

筆者的學術研究範疇及個人志趣皆是當代城市研究，當然喜見上述媒體趨勢，同時也深信城市學是在該當在我城被推廣和普及化的知識領域，而這些知識應能在學院與大眾媒體間來回進出。見到 Guardian Cities 選出本年十本最好的城市著作，筆者也心癢癢，聯同 Hong Kong Urban Laboratory 的朋友和前輩，另外選了十本這年出版的城市研究佳作，略為引介，藉此呈現當下城市研究的精采面貌。

（雖然這些書未必都在香港找得到，但不少有心的書店，其實都願意代讀者訂書或入貨。）

1. Implosions/Explosions: Towards a Study of Planetary Urbanization
Neil Brenner (editor)
(Jovis Verlag, 2014)

先是兩本比較宏觀的都市理論著作，它們都在意確立什麼是二十一世紀的新型城市研究。先是近年高調地在哈佛大學 Graduate school of design 開創了 Urban Theory Lab 的學者 Neil Brenner ，編輯了大部頭（500 多頁）的 Implosions/Explosions ，集合近年最活躍的城市研究學者，以短文探討何謂「全面都市化」 (planetary urbanization) 下的世界。這本書交由德國的 Jovis Verlag 出版，這出版社繼前年出版精彩的 Urban Constellations 一書，再次帶來印刷與設計俱極精美的重要都市理論讀本。
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2. The new urban question
Andy Merrifield
(Pluto Press, 2014)

Andy Merrifield 是離開學院多年，但持續著書立說的獨立學者，他是 David Harvey 的學生，也是重要的左翼都市理論學者。「新都市問題」顯然是向 1979 年出版，社會學大師 Manuel Castells 的 The urban question 一書對話。35 年後，城市學從興起到衰微再復興，此書有標誌性之餘，也在意探討這知識領域起落的意義。
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3. Africa's urban revolution
Susan Parnell & Edgar Pieterse (editors)
(Zed books, 2014)

Guardian 和許多年度書單都有選上的 Radical Cities 一書，主力談拉美城市的創新。另一個近年受關注、迅速都市化的大陸，定當是非洲，當中的特大城市 (megacities) 不斷誕生，被認為是歷史上最重要的都市革命之一。年前多有著作探試中非之間的政經關係，也是時候多認知非洲城市是何許模樣。這本相關文集，就由兩位一直研究這領域的學者所編。
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4. Original Copies: Architectural Mimicry in Contemporary China
Bianca Bosker
(University of Hawaii Press, 2013)
（中譯本：《誰把艾菲爾鐵塔搬到了中國》, 2014）

當下談城市，不能不讀有關中國城市的書，而這本專談中國如何複制他國建築，圖文並茂的書，不是談大理論和大趨勢，卻又精準地捕捉了中國城市化的重要一面。此書在 2014 年出版了中譯本，特意推介。
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5. Toward an Architecture of Enjoyment
Henri Lefebvre, Lukasz Stanek (Editor)
(University Of Minnesota Press, 2014)

為人熟知、書寫空間理論的法國哲學家 Henri Lefebvre ，著作近年不斷被發掘再出版。瑞士學者 Lukasz Stanek 在 Lefebvre 的文獻遺產中，找到未出版過的，他唯一專門討論建築的著作，當中論及以「快感」作為建築想像的內涵，與近年多被題及的都市想像力，不謀而合。
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6. Buildings Must Die: A Perverse View of Architecture
Stephen Cairns & Jane M Jacobs
(MIT press, 2014)

這本迷人的都市理論，把我們慣常對城市和建築的焦點，從發展和興建的角度，轉向它物質上必然衰老和永恆地需要維護、甚至變成廢物的一面。
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7. Extrastatecraft: The Power of Infrastructure Space
Keller Easterling
(Verso, 2014)

承接近年關於都市探祕和隱密空間的討論與著作，這本書也希望轉移我們思考城市的角度——從外層轉移都決定城市如何運作的基建空間。Keller Easterling 是在耶魯大學建築系任教的學者，也是近年最活躍的城市學公共知識份子之一。
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8. Unruly Places: Lost Spaces, Secret Cities, and Other Inscrutable Geographies
Alastair Bonnett
(Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2014)

地理學家 Alastair Bonnett 出名文筆好，散文每有詩意，這本書特意書寫在仿似一切都有高度透明度的年代裡，秘密和「古怪」的空間。
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9. Empower! Essays On The Political Economy Of Urban Form Vol.3
Rainer Hehl & Marc Angelil (editors)
(Ruby Press, 2014)

這系列小書，都是易讀的短文集，是認識城市政治經濟學的理想讀物，每一本都以有趣的主題輯文，vol. 1 名為 'informalize!' ，vol. 2 名為 'collectivize' ，2014 年出版的 vol 3. 名為 'empower!' 。書印得精美，由新起的獨立出版社 Ruby Press 出版，值得支持。
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10. 《城市造反》&《反造城市》
侯志仁
(左岸文化, 2013)

在華盛頓大學當地景建築學系系主任的 Jeffrey Hou 非常有心，把他對由下而上建造城市的理論論述和案例成書，交由台灣出版社出版，不直接翻譯已寫成的英文著作，而是重編兩冊中文書。這種來回於英文學術和華文出版界的公共知識份子，對推廣城市研究的普及化，貢獻良多。
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以上介紹的多為城市理論及學術出版，以下多包納一些跨界的文本，包括在國際受關注、與都市相關的展覽，紀錄片，以及比較為大眾市場而寫的普及書籍，例如是旅遊指南。另外，下篇介紹的十個文本，也較側重城市研究的藝文面向與及由下而上創造城市的實踐，同時加入了一本關於香港的書。

11. Tent City Urbanism: From Self-Organized Camps to Tiny House Villages
Heben Andrew
(the Village Collaborative, 2014)

這本「奇書」對經歷過雨傘運動後的香港人可能特別吸引，它探討了美國無家者以帳蓬創村運動，如何帶動了另類住屋和建村的想像。不用多解釋，此書對香港異常 relevant 。
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12. The Acoustic City
Matthew Gandy & Benny Nilsen (Editors)
(Jovis Verlag, 2014)

Matthew Gandy 是我最喜歡的城市研究學者，經常帶來新的跨學科嘗試，這本他與 Benny Nilsen 所編的文集裡，文章作者有來自藝術界、學界和聲音專業的人，隨書還有一張唱片光碟，補文字的不足。
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13. Blue urbanism: Exploring Connections Between Cities and Oceans
Timothy Beatley
(Island Press, 2014)

此書大概專為生活在海港城市的人、或同時喜歡城市與海洋而寫，論及倚海而建的城市，在設計和運作上的獨特性。
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14. Kowloon Cultural District: An Investigation into Spatial Capabilities in Hong Kong
Esther Lorenz & Shiqiao Li
(MCCM creations, 2014)

這本書名字故意喚作「九龍文化區」，由兩位在 University of Virginia 建築系任教的學者所寫，在西九文化區拔地而起之時，他們研究在這附近的「原生」 (indigenous) 文化實踐和創造力，可啟發什麼比較在地的建設計劃。
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15. Citi x 60: 60 Creatives Show You the Best of the City (Paris, New York, London, Barcelona, Berlin, Tokyo)
Viction Workshop
(Victionary, 2014)

這是一套六本，非常精美的城市旅遊指南，它所選的城市，都是被公認為最有魅力(雖然最「大路」的地方)，每本小書都讓六十位住在當地、在裡面工作的「文化人」推薦他們最喜歡的城市角落，絕不落俗套。讓人欣喜的是，香港三聯同步取得了這套書的中文版權，讓我們可在大部份書店找到這六本小書。
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16. Constructing Worlds: Photography and Architecture in the Modern Age (展覽圖錄)
Alona Pardo (Curator & catalogue editor)
(Prestel, 2014) An exhibition at Barbican
http://www.barbican.org.uk/artgallery/event-detail.asp…

兩個今年富深度而有趣的、與城市相關的展覽，定必包括倫敦Barbican探討建築攝影的專題展，它的題旨是，拍攝空間的方法，深刻地影響了我們感知和創造空間的想法。
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17. Uneven Growth: Tactical Urbanisms for Expanding Megacities (展覽圖錄)
(The Museum of Modern Art, New York, 2014) An exhibition at MoMA, New York
http://uneven-growth.moma.org/

另一個大受談論和關注的，是在紐約現代藝術館，深入探討「城市不均發展」的展覽，帶來六個大城市應付人口暴增和貧富不均時，所取的策略，其中也多介紹非正規住屋的問題。Tactical Urbanism 這術語發展多年，終於進入主流和政策話語之中。
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18. Human Scale (Documentary)
Andreas Møl Dalsgaard (Dir.)
http://thehumanscale.dk/

也介紹兩齣紀錄片。來自丹麥 Human Scale 引介了著名的都市規劃學者 Jan Gehl 的思想，Gehl 著重行人感受、人本的城市規劃實踐，近十數年大受讚揚，這齣影片可說來得太遲了！
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19. Growing Cities (Documentary)
Dan Susman (Dir.)
http://www.growingcitiesmovie.com/

Growing Cities 的製作團隊走遍美國不同城市，追訪形形式式的都市農耕的實踐和抗爭，整全地介紹全美國不同城市，都有有心人希望改變食物生產和運送，跟自己居住之地的關係。本片在當下當然對香港也很有參考價值。
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20. Good Cities, Better Lives: How Europe Discovered the Lost Art of Urbanism
Peter Hall
(Routledge, 2013)

最後，選上此書，是為了特別向本年離世的學者 Peter Hall 致敬，這是他最後一本著作，在去年底面世。如果說 Peter Hall 是英國最重要的城市規劃學者，他一定當之無愧，尤其是他對城市重建研究著力極深，為英國帶來不少成功的城市重建案例。這本書綜合了他多年來的思考，先談當代城市每每遇上的問題，再說明不同歐洲城市如何創出較好的方法處理一籃子的問題，理性的進路反映了 Peter Hall 堅信的理念，也是二十世紀最大的遺產：好的城市，通過規劃，能造就好的生活——看來如斯簡單，卻又窮上許多代人的生命，思索如何落實。
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香港民間學院課程

【POL 101 法治作為政治】
http://goo.gl/4TZJXz
【AGR 101 邁向本土農業世紀】
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