【程翔:新香港人將任特首 CHING Cheong: A "new Hongkonger" will be the next Chief Executive】Scroll down for English
🍏 Apple Podcast: https://apple.co/3rMIyRB
🍎 Google Podcast: https://bit.ly/3huFKE8
🍊 Spotity: https://spoti.fi/385myJY
請點擊上述連結收聽Podcast節目 "What's up in Hong Kong" 第4集,Matthew Chapple (Lamma Matthew 南丫華哥) 和我與資深記者程翔談紫荊黨,重點包括:
1)紫荊黨的成立配合了北京以「新香港精英」取代原有建制派和AO的治港新策略
2)建制派對紫荊黨能力的質疑是出於無知,因為難以相信會被中共用完即棄
3)新香港人站穩陣腳後,中共對香港的控制會稍為放鬆,以保一國兩制的門面
4)林鄭雖被保皇KOL圍攻,但不至於不能做滿任期,因為這牽涉當年親自提拔林鄭的習近平的地位
5)林鄭不能連任,即代表「新香港人」特首在2022年就要登場:前港交所行政總裁李小加確是可能人選
綜合程翔和各方意見,我自己有以下推斷:
1)中共嘗試在香港最大程度複製中國的管治架構,首先是將議會改造為不會阻撓行政當局的「香港市人大」
2)通過政治審查和建立龐大國安系統,持續壓制反對派,原有建制派人物可留任「香港市人大」做橡皮圖章
3)短期內真正要做大手術的是行政系統,2022年的特首、問責官員和主要法定機構主席改由「新香港人」出任,推行「高質而有效的精英管治」(相對於土共培養的「廢人」和仲要跟程序的AO)
4)基層組織是否繼續由土共自由競爭,還是由紫荊黨統一收編重組,等下一階段才聽候發落
不管未來如何發展,有一點相當清晰:中共及其保皇勢力已不放香港人在眼內,正集中力量作內部鬥爭,希望在變動時勢搶佔位置。
Is the “Bauhinia Party” a CCP vehicle to establish the “One Party” system in Hong Kong? In early December a group of Hong Kong based, Pro CCP Mainland businessmen announced their intention to launch the “Bauhinia Party”. With a membership goal of 250,000, commentators speculate that the purpose of this new party may be to establish the “One Party” system in Hong Kong by absorbing the current Pro Beijing political groups and surfacing the underground CCP network here. In Episode #4 Eddie Chu and Matthew Chapple discuss this with veteran journalist CHING Cheong(程翔).
The highlights Mr CHING's thoughts include:
1) The establishment of the new Bauhinia Party is part of Beijing's new Hong Kong strategy to replace the original Pro Establishment camp and senior government officials with “new Hong Kong elites” which means Party loyal, first generation, Mainland born Hong Kongers.
2) The establishment’s questioning of the Bauhinia Party’s ability is out of ignorance, because it is difficult for them to accept they will be discarded.
3) After the "new Hongkongers" gain a foothold, the CCP's control over Hong Kong will be slightly relaxed to preserve the appearance of "one country, two systems".
4) Although Carrie LAM is currently being attacked by the Pro Beijing side it is likely she will still serve out her full term because she was personally selected and supported for the position by XI Jing-ping.
5) Carrie LAM will likely not be re-elected, which means that the next Chief Executive will probably come from the ranks of "new Hong Kongers" (e.g. a Mainland born or first generation patriot) in 2022: Charles LI, the former Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, is indeed a possible candidate.
Based on the opinions of CHING Cheong and others, my thinking is as follows:
1) The CCP is trying to replicate China's governance structure in Hong Kong to the greatest extent possible. The first is to transform our Legco into a "Hong Kong Municipal People's Congress" that will not obstruct the Administration.
2) Through political screening and the establishment of the National Security System, the opposition will continue to be suppressed, and the original establishment figures can remain in the "Hong Kong People's Congress" as a rubber stamp or "loyal opposition".
3) In the short term, the major reform will be on the administrative system. In 2022, the Chief Executive, key officials, and Chairpersons of major statutory bodies will be replaced by the "new Hong Kongers" to implement "high-quality and effective elite governance" (as opposed to the current "useless " local elites).
4) Will HK's grassroots Pro CCP organizations continue to compete freely in Hong Kong or will the Bauhinia Party consolidate and reorganize it as a united group? We will need to wait and see!
Listen to "What's up in Hong Kong?" Episode #4 with the following links:
🍏 Apple Podcast: https://apple.co/3rMIyRB
🍎 Google Podcast: https://bit.ly/3huFKE8
🍊 Spotity: https://spoti.fi/385myJY
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Time for a decisive battle (Lee Yee)
I wrote yesterday that “when the number of disqualified candidates reaches the maximum, the international community would come forth”. My friend reckons this a “new strategy”. Instead of a strategy, it is, I would say, the last option left by the National Security Law. Some agree, while others do not. A few raise questions or doubts. Here are my thoughts.
相關新聞:Paradoxical theory of Hong Kong organising U.S. riots (Lee Yee)
The US is leading the fight, with Japan coordinating with the foreign ministers of seven countries, the European Union claiming to indict China in the International Court of Justice in Hague, and the civilized world reacting way more intensely to the NSL than to the violation of human rights in Xinjiang concentration camp. Mike Pompeo’s comments, like “rogue behaviour” and “a choice between freedom and tyranny”, are harsh enough. All of this begs the question of what the US and the West are waiting for. With the NSL draft already released, why did Pompeo ask people to wait and see the results of the Legislative Council (LegCo) Election in September?
Although the NSL is disapproved by most of the civilized countries, both verbal censure and actual sanctions hinge on the LegCo Election in September - “an essential indicator”. But Why?
相關新聞:American violence v.s. Hong Kong violence (Lee Yee)
Pompeo has made it clear that if the CCP makes Hong Kong the same as Shanghai or Shen Zhen in the LegCo Election, the US will take Hong Kong as just another city in China, which means revoking all special treatment Hong Kong has been enjoying. Hong Kongers will be apparently victimized with a bitterly crumbling economy, even though Pompeo has not exactly said so.
Are Hong Kongers willing to be on the receiving end of it all? If Hong Kong’s pro-democracy camp shows acceptance of the NSL at the nomination stage of the LegCo Election, and gets elected with considerable votes, then the message delivered to the US would be that Hong Kongers are prepared to surrender to tyranny. To this end, the US will stop short of being meddlesome while deploying all defensive moves against Hong Kong like what it has been doing against China.
However, if Hong Kongers take to the streets as fiercely as what they did in the anti-extradition protests last year, it will go without saying that these freedom fighters are willing to stand at the frontline of global defence against tyranny.
The referendum on NSL walkout held last Saturday, which was not well publicized and prepared, has projected a wrong message to the international community: not many people are up in arms over the NSL. In light of this, the message conveyed to the world by the LegCo Election is pivotal.
The abovementioned pertain to the external situation. Internally, I have come across many online comments made by those who have no confidence in the pan-democracy camp. They believe there must be some candidates from the pan-democracy camp who will approve of the NSL in a bid to get qualified for the election, and urge the public to vote for them for collective interests. Some say that the incumbent legislators did not even dare to object to the National Anthem Law, not to mention saying no to the NSL. They suspect that the pan-democracy camp would sign an election agreement in which supporting the NSL is part of the deal, or the candidates would answer yes when asked by returning officers whether they side with the NSL, in order to take a seat in the LegCo.
Soon comes the primary election for the pro-democracy camp, and their real stance will be revealed in the debates.
The predicament Hong Kong is facing looks grim. The pan-democracy camp might not succumb to the NSL for being qualified for the election. But in case they do, I hope all the young people who care about the future of Hong Kong enroll in the election at their discretion, regardless of the primary election results, prescriptions or ethics. The more candidates running for seats of the LegCo, the voice are more widely spread. Imagine the picture when hundreds of candidates are disqualified. How can the US stand by?
If the Chinese Communist Party decides to step back for a while, and selectively disqualify a few youngsters, will too many candidates on the list dilute the votes and as a result only few are elected? Don’t worry. If that happens, some candidates from the pro-democracy camp will have to drop out in an attempt to secure enough votes for the seats. In election forums, the pro-establishment camp is bound to lose in the debates about the NSL. That being said, anyone who blatantly disapproves of the NSL is almost certainly to be disqualified.
Tam Yiuchung has mentioned that candidates must sign an agreement to show support for the Basic Law, and pledge loyalty to Hong Kong SAR. It is harmless to do so with these two terms, yet in no circumstances should they sign an agreement to show support for the NSL for the reason that so many clauses in the NSL violate the Basic Law. Their refusal should be made public so that the whole world knows how many LegCo candidates are disqualified after saying no to the NSL.
The NSL for Hong Kong has already been deplored by all civilized countries. The focus should be put on the revolt against the NSL in this LegCo Election. Other slogans like “independence of Hong Kong”, “self-determination”, “five demands”, and “liberate Hong Kong”, etc. should give way to avoid losing focus. The US and the western civilization only focus on the NSL for Hong Kong. The LegCo election is a decisive battle that is worth a fight.
wait-and-see strategy 在 Eric's English Lounge Facebook 的最佳解答
[英語慣用語] carrot and stick
最近在看外交政策的文章,經常看到 a carrot and stick (approach) 這個片語,直翻當然是胡蘿蔔加棍子,但實際上是一種以獎勵(carrot)與懲罰(stick)同時進行的一種軟硬兼施的策略,有些人甚至會稱它為獨裁者的懷柔政策。
這個片語現在常常用來形容世界各個強國用獎勵和懲罰相結合的外交手段,以引發其他國家「良好」的行為。
e.g.
1. The latest round of peace talks offers both sides the carrot as well as the stick.
2. U.S. and South Korea considered following a "wait and see" political and military strategy played with cautious carrot and stick.
也可以用來敘述國內的甚至一些公司的政策:
e.g.
1. While the proposal included a significant increase of federal investment into the organization (The Carrot), the backhand of this proposal involves complete defunding of Planned Parenthood’s current federal aid (The Stick) if the offer is not accepted.
2. The management's proposed deal is all stick and no carrot.
看到這個片語的人會聯想到美國總統狄奧多·羅斯福的外交政策(Big stick diplomacy): 「溫言在口,大棍子在手,故而致遠(Speak softly and carry a big stick, you will go far)」,主張如果出現行為「不軌的」國家,美國有權進行軍事干預, lol.
同學們可以在最近的新聞中看看是否能找這個片語並且適當地運用在寫作中。
Image source: https://goo.gl/n1vj9G
Sources:
http://idioms.thefreedictionary.com/a+carrot+and+stick
https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E8%83%A1%E8%98%BF%E8%94%94%E5%8A%A0%E5%A4%A7%E6%A3%92
https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%B7%A8%E6%A3%92%E5%A4%96%E4%BA%A4
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